Skip to content

The Louvre pastels catalogue: errata and observations

12 July 2018

This rather lengthy post will be of interest only to specialists. I have earlier on this blog reviewed the current exhibition at the Louvre, and my short article on some attributions appeared in the Gazette Drouot for 13 July 2018 (a few relevant images will be found below). I also intend to publish a conventional review of the catalogue (referred to below as “XS”) in due course. However those outlets do not offer sufficient space for the detailed commentary provided below. Ideally they would have been made before the book went to press; but the Louvre’s own collection database, Inventaire informatisé du département des Arts graphiques (“Inventaire informatisé” below), is greatly in need of updating, so perhaps these errata will be of some use.

As always in this blog the comments below are no more than personal opinions.

p. 31. The Avertissement is far too brief for a work of this nature. There are numerous observations below (concerning especially the selection of works, the terminology of attribution and the content of bibliographies) demonstrating the inadequacy of this note. It states that XS does not cite dictionaries (although the book does cite, for example, Audin & Vial’s Dictionnaire…, and Ratouis de Limay’s Le Pastel en France, 1946 – essentially a dictionary with a few of the longer articles placed in the front of the book – as well as numerous sources which contain no more than passing references in lists). Indeed XS includes very few mentions of Pastels & pastellists ( cited below as “the Dictionary”) although it reproduces many of the pastels XS refers to. The few citations are given without the exact URL of the file or the J numbers which would take readers directly to the information XS mentions. For a fully searchable and sortable concordance of Louvre pastels with J numbers, see here. (Abbreviated references to the numerous other bibliographic items omitted can be found in full in the Dictionary.)

p. 33. The Louvre does have the world’s finest collection of seventeenth and eighteenth century pastels. But Dresden is not the only other collection, nor is it correct that “seul le château de Versailles réunit un peu moins d’une cinquantaine…”: Saint-Quentin has more than 125, the musée Carnavalet 50, Orléans 43. Geneva more than 100, Stockholm 70, the Rijksmuseum 86 plus a good many Dutch anonymes; Warsaw a great many (mostly Polish anonymes); the Yale Center for British Art 50. (In his interview with Alexandre Lafore in Grande Galerie, été 2018, p. 51, XS goes further, stating that the Metropolitan Museum in New York and Getty possess only “quelques dizaines” – the Met actually has 50. The 2017 Petit Palais exhibition of work from the Horvitz Collection included no pastels.)

p. 34. Fig. 1: The Constant Bourgeois drawing (which is reproduced in my Prolegomena) has been given various dates from 1797 (an V) on in different sources, mostly 1802–1811 (i.e. a slightly retrospective view of a late 18th century hang): what now is the justification for an exact 1802? See cat. no. 38 below for the significance of this date.

Catalogue numbers

1. Le Brun Louis XIV étude

J.468.114. Is this a pastel (see comment to cat. 4 below)? If not why is it in the book? If yes why was it lent last year to Salzburg, when the Louvre’s official policy is not to lend pastels? I could find little in this catalogue discussing that policy, the risks of lending or the history of works lent. The only exceptions (outside Paris, since 1972) appear to be cat. nos. 22 and 35 (no. 99 did not actually travel to Geneva in 1992, although that is not evident in XS).

“Expositions” for this sheet includes “Paris, 1845, n° 1099 ou 1100”, but not Paris, 1838 or Paris, 1841 which are quoted elsewhere. In fact the Notice issued first in 1838 was essentially a catalogue of works on the walls rather than of an exhibition, and the numbers are the same in the 1838, 1841 and 1845 editions: but throughout XS the references to these various editions are given inconsistently (not detailed further below, although it should be noted that the group of royal portraits by La Tour are in the Paris 1838-45 catalogue as anonymes but omitted from XS). It is hard to see why these volumes are treated as exhibitions when Reiset 1869, essentially a new edition of the Louvre catalogue, is listed under Bibliographie (when it is listed at all – inconsistently – cats. 1–3, which are Reiset nos. 847–849, are omitted for example, while the Reiset numbers for cats 4, 5 are given). (Note however that “Paris 1869” is listed on p. 336 among expositions, but appears just to be a subsequent edition of Reiset 1869, since the museum is now national instead of impérial.) Since many of the attributions, identifications and descriptions have been changed, the absence of a clear treatment of these earlier Louvre catalogues and a concordance is regrettable (for example, it takes some patience to deduce that a “Nanteuil pastel” in Reiset, no. 1201, is in fact J.552.341, which doesn’t appear in XS at all, while two pastels (a second female head in the “Verdier” group and a second probable La Tour of a royal prince, either no. 1053 or 1056 from the 1838 catalogue, disappear without mention: were they miscatalogued or subsequently lost?

It would also have been helpful in the lengthy bibliographies and exhibition lists had dissenting attributions and identifications been summarily indicated (e.g. “Smith 1920, as by Jones”).

There is a further problem with Expositions throughout the book: although apparently exhaustive there are numerous omissions. For example a major exhibition of pastels and miniatures took place in the Cabinet des dessins, 26 novembre – 31 décembre 1963. No catalogue was printed (although the Louvre has a list of exhibits), making it all the more helpful for XS to tell us which pastels were included (and with what attributions: selection and description are important records of the development of knowledge and taste). But although this exhibition is listed on p. 337, I failed to find any mention of their appearance in the individual entries of any of the 30 or so pastels included (even when recorded in standard catalogues raisonnés).

2. Le Brun Louis XIV étude

J.468.112. This sheet is placed after cat. 1, although in the text cat. 1 is stated to be later (as Reiset argued: indeed the sequence reverses that in Reiset and Monnier). Elsewhere however XS orders pastels by each artist in chronological order.

3. Le Brun Louis XIV étude

J.468.11. Bibliographie omits Meyer 2017, p. 189, fig. 72; she challenges the suggestion that this related to the Poilly engraving.

The physical description makes no reference to the rather prominent rope mark running horizontally across the middle of the sheet.

4. Le Brun inconnu

J.468.137. Why is this in the book when Monnier did not include it, and it is clearly outside the scope defined on p. 31? The Louvre has many other Le Brun sheets with touches of pastel that are not included (and of course by many other artists, including Simon Vouet, a number of whose pastels have recently been acquired). The question recurs above (cat. 1) and below. If exceptions are to be made, I would have included the La Tour préparations (e.g. RF 4098, reproduced as fig. 53 but uncatalogued).

5. Le Brun atelier homme en armure

J.468.141. Monnier has as attributed; I have ?cop. A method statement for degrees of attribution would clarify the distinctions XS intends.

XS repeats the traditional but misleading description of this sitter as wearing a cuirasse, when in fact he wears full armour.

6/7/8. Le Brun/?Verdier têtes

J.753.103 J.753.105 J.753.107. (The Washington sheet is J.468.149; I agree that it is by a different hand, as my classification already implies.)

See note above re Paris 1838–45 Notice and missing fourth pastel in this group.

9. Nanteuil Dorieu

J.552.173. Perhaps it should be mentioned more prominently that this pastel has not been in the Louvre since 1994; that would help readers and might even increase the probability of recovery.

The copy in Reims (J.552.177) which XS cites from Adamczak 2011 is in fact her R.14 and is discussed on her p. 76.

10. Nanteuil Ligny

J.552.238. The bibliographie omits Burns 2007, fig. 5; and Burns & Saunier 2014, p. 33 repr.

11. D’après Nanteuil Turenne

J.552.349. I relegated this to copy in 2006, well before Adamczak 2011.

14. Simon Durfort

J.6786.104. In the last four lines of the entry, XS refers to the pastel of Menestrier (J.6786.108) as the only other surviving pastel by Simon. I’m not sure that it has been published except as J.6786.109, where I tentatively reproduce “=?m/u” (a warning that the information is not sound) an image found without details on the web purporting to be in pastel and corresponding to the engraving. The resolution is inadequate to determine if it is in fact the pastel or a trimmed version of the engraving. If XS has inferred its existence only from my entry he should have cited his source so that others can assess its reliability. If XS has independently discovered the pastel he should say where and reproduce it.

15. Vivien artiste

J.77.338. The bibliographie omits Sani 1991, fig. 6.

16–18. Vivien trois princes

J.77.182 J.77.196 J.77.158.

The exhibition list includes “Paris, 1838 et 1841, n° 1050”: in fact all three pastels were catalogued, as 1048, 1049, 1050, and as anonymes (which should be noted).

The Schleißheim versions are signed and may arguably be the primary works rather than the repetitions. The dimensions e.g. for the duc de Bourgogne are 101.5×82.5 cm given as 3 pieds x 2 pi. 5 po. imperial (97.5×78.5 cm, presumably sight). Durameau’s 4 pi. 3 po. x 5 pi. 3 po. (138×170.5 cm) is simply wrong, and cannot (not “probablement”) be explained by his having included the frame (that would be 128×109 cm).

19. Vivien Max Emanuel

J.77.278. I published a long article about Vivien and Max Emanuel in The Court Historian in 2012; there’s an expanded online version Neither is in the bibliographie. There is no attempt to catalogue frames or glass systematically. In XS’s Louvre lecture (YouTube, at 46 minutes 10 sec) it is stated that the frame was made by Vivien’s brother: as far as I am aware the only relevant document is the payment to Jacques Vivien of 174 livres on 7 November 1700 by the Bâtiments du roi for the frames on the three portraits of the royal princes (cat. nos 16–18).

20/21. Vivien de Cotte/Girardon

J.77.188 J.77.206. The joint presentation of these notices makes them inconvenient to read. Generally too the Louvre inventory numbers are often hard to spot, the sections called Historique covering a curious mixture of information that could be better separated out.

The glass on Girardon appears to have bevelled edges, and is presumably later.

22. Anonyme italien femme

J.1032.101. I have this as attr. Cristofano Allori, following Monbeig Goguel (whose name does not have a hyphen) and in accordance with the Inventaire informatisé. XS’s classification as anonyme inconnue may be safer, but a general reconciliation with the official online source is needed (I have not systematically listed the very large number of differences here). XS lists publications including Bucarest 2008 without indicating what attribution is given (this is a problem throughout the book where attributions are at issue): as that catalogue was also by Monbeig Goguel but was published after Forlani Tempesti it would be helpful to know whether Monbeig Goguel revised her view.

23.Anonyme italien moine

J.94.1143. I have added “[cf. Callani]” indicating that an attribution to Callani is “worth considering”. (This is explained in the system note at the Abbreviations tab on my site. This system implies that I attach a probability of between 10 and 50% to what remains only a suggestion. I might add now another possibility, Galantini.)

24.Bernard Gosselin

J.147.13 [revised]. There is extra support for the attribution to Pierre Bernard of this pastel from three small ovals I recently added to the œuvre. It is odd that XS has not consulted my biography of Bernard from which he will find that the artist settled in Marseille c.1774, not c.1764, when he was recorded elsewhere and continued to travel. It is hard to see how XS draws any conclusions about the dating of “aucune œuvre sûre de l’artiste” without referring to the Dictionary. While the chronological Bernard file does indeed end in 1769 (it includes only dated pastels), the main artist article does suggest that Mme de Saint-Jacques belongs to the 1770s. It is unclear how XS reached the conclusion that all the certain works are dated to 1769 or before unless he assumed the Dictionary was complete: in fact there is an oil painting by Bernard signed and dated 1772 which I don’t list as it is not a pastel. It is of a Marseillais.

On Gosselin’s year of birth, XS refers in broad terms to genealogists on the geneanet website (a compilation of information from sources of mixed reliability). He does not however cite the carte de sécurité issued to Alexandre Gosselin on 19 novembre 1793 when he was aged 47, making it impossible that he was born in “mars 1745”; 1746 is thus 90% certain.

25/26. Bornet Gosseaume & mère

J.171.105 & J.171.107. Mme Gosseaume’s year of death 1788 is mine, as is the Mercure reference etc. Although there is a reference to me in the entry, it is oddly placed. XS quotes one J number in the bibliographie, but wrongly (“J.171.165” will not find the pastels on searching).

The bibliographie omits A. P. de Mirimonde, L’Iconographie musicale sous les rois Bourbons, 1977, p. 55.

28. D’après Boucher

J.173.109. p. 79: “Jean-Claude Gaspard de Sireul” had no particle: see my article where the works mentioned are discussed. The bibliographie also omits Seymour de Ricci, “La collection du baron de Schlichting”, Revue archéologique, xxiv, 1914, p. 339, where the work is described as formerly Sireul’s.

29/30. Attr. Boucher Dénicheur/Oiselière

J.173.873/J.173.874. These do not seem to bear the new attribution XS proposes. It would be interesting to know which Boucher specialists agree with the promotion. While XS recognises that it is uncertain that these are the pastels from the Blondel sale, he states that those were catalogued by Rémy as autograph works by Boucher (“comment imaginer qu’il se soit alors trompé?” he asks): but that isn’t the case. The catalogue mentions Boucher explicitly for the four preceding lots “par M. Boucher” and “par le même”, but gives no artist’s name for lot 33, while the next lot is by a different artist:

Blondel vente

So far from endorsing the attribution, one can read the catalogue as implying that Rémy didn’t know either.

Among the oeuvres en rapport should be cited the pastels were those that appeared in the Jules Lecocq sale, Amiens, Ducatelle, 16–17.iv.1883, Lot 304 (unillustrated), where they were described as after Huet, not Boucher. This is particularly interesting in view of the rather good oil given to Huet in the New York sale (Sotheby’s, 28 January 2005, Lot 553) which XS cites without discussion, although the complexities of the repositioning of the two wooden fences in the backgrounds into the opposite pastel suggests that a longer discussion is in order.

31. Boze auto

J.177.101. The pastel is discussed in my article on the very similar portrait of Pierre-Paul Nairac

32. Boze Mme Boze

J.177.177. The “copie avec variants” listed in the œuvres en rapport has been deleted from the Dictionary as it is in my opinion a later pastiche (it shares the characteristics of a fairly large group of such pastiches apparently produced by a single hand, and mostly signed with fictitious initials).

The description of the support in the left-hand column indicates that it has been primed with a ground substance (usually pumice stone), while in the adjacent text XS refers to the surface being rubbed with pumice stone, a quite different process.

36. Carriera fille

J.21.2378. Bibliographie: Toutain-Quittelier 2017b, fig. 120 is omitted here and from the other Carrieras.

An explanation of the curious bright patch along the sitter’s left cheek (stumping, intensified by subsequent light changes or later intervention?) would be interesting.

37. Carriera gouvernante

J.21.0442. The inscription should be read “apud D. Crozat” not “apad”, nor is there any reason to question the D, no doubt for dominus. I think it simply means “chez le sieur Crozat”.

38. Carriera Nymphe

J.21.1727. p. 93: XS omits several items from my bibliography, most notably the important discussion in Anon. 1750, the “Lettre d’un amateur de Province sur le secret de fixer le pastel”, Journal œconomique, février 1758, pp. 63-65: see Treatises. This pastel and the Anon. 1750 text are discussed at length in my article on Loriot (online at ), which appears in the bibliographie on p. 342 as Jeffares 2015, but has apparently been deleted from the bibliographie on p. 93 for cat. 38.

In the œuvres en rapport, is cited, followed by “On peut également ajouter…” followed by a work which is in fact in my list, J.21.1778 (and was from before the sale date).

The frame on this work was evidently added after the date of the Constantin Bourgeois drawing (v. p. 34 above).

40/41. Carriera Mme & Mlle Languet de Gergy

J.21.054/J.21.0575. See my exhibition review and post for the girl’s date of birth, the mention in Carriera’s diaries and the apparent age which I have solved with the Regensburg birth in 1717.

The headline to no. 40, “Anne Henry, épouse de Jacques Vincent Languet de Gergy (1667–1734)” might appear to suggest that those are her dates; they are in fact his. Hers were c.1695–1775.

These were surely the pair exhibited in Paris 1802, no. 249.

42/43/44/45. Chardin


On Chardin’s name (Jean-Siméon, not Baptiste), see my exhibition review.

Chardin notoriete 4iii1780

The inv. no. for 45, the autoportrait au chevalet, is given as Inv. 31478 (pp. 106 & 334) but the accession date shows this must be wrong. The Dictionary has RF 31748 (as given in the Inventaire informatisé), while RF 31770 is given erroneously in Chardin 1979. Incidentally the Inventaire informatisé reports “Cette œuvre n’est pas visible actuellement dans les salles du Musée” which is not helpful; I haven’t checked the 118 other works.

Among the œuvres en rapport for no. 42 is listed the Orléans version (J.219.107), with Livois in 1790 and inscribed verso “offerte à Mlle de la Marsaulaye, élève de Chardin, par son maître”. Although Chardin died in 1779, Salmon suggests that Mlle de La Marsaulaye acquired it after Livois and that she may have been a pupil of Chardin. But Félicité Poulain de La Marsaulaye (née 1780), who married the vicomte de Rochebouët in 1805, was too young to have been a pupil, and the inscription cannot be strictly correct. The Dictionary has more steps in the provenance.

46. Coypel Allégorie

J.2472.333. The title was previously “rendant grâces” but is now just “rendant grâce”. The reference to Salmon 1999 should be to Salmon 1999a.

48. Deshays tête

J.2704.107. Again it is unclear why this sheet is included.

The Kraemer jeunes filles cited as not by Deshays may be found in the Dictionary as copies after Boucher (J.173.242 and J.173.227).

49. D’après F.-H. Drouais

J.2818.185. It seems eccentric to headline this entry “portrait présumé  de Marie…, épouse de Pierre Grimod-Dufort, seigneur d’Orsay”, when at the time the original was painted Grimod had been dead for 24 years and she had been married to her second husband, Le Franc de Pompignan, for some 15 years.

The entry assumes that the Caulaincourt painting has been correctly identified, which appears to depend entirely on a “mention” (by which XS presumably refers to what Join-Lambert & Leclair refer to as an “inscription sur le portrait” “mariée en 1747 à Dufort d’Orsay”, perhaps the words painted beside her head: but it is far from clear when they were added). XS does not state whether he has seen the pastel’s frame, which had (to judge from the old photograph, below right) an equally convincing inscription painted on the oval frame’s flat frieze “Marie Louise Albertine Amélie née Princesse de Croÿ…Empire Romain Comtesse d’Orsay” (there is also a Louvre plaque with Boze’s name attached, but the lettering of that is later:

The matter is made all the more complicated by the existence (which XS does not mention) of a (pseudo-)pendant in an oval frame of identical moulding (Galerie Pierre Brost, above left): an oil of Grimod’s son Pierre-Marie-Gaspard, comte d’Orsay (his face identical to that in the Valade pastel – XS’s fig. 31, see cat. 72 discussion below), but shown in armour, as a kind of fancy dress that matches the “en sultane” mode of the pastel). We agree that the pictures all date to 1772 or thereabouts, so in the absence of convincing alternative iconography the only discriminant is whether the sitter is 24 (Croÿ) or 41 (Caulaincourt). We know how hazardous that choice is, but my inclination would be the younger woman.

50. Ducreux auto jeune

J.285.101. Although clearly by him, is this actually of Ducreux? The face is quite different from the later self-portraits, and the eyes are blue instead of the brown seen in the other self-portraits (oddly his description in the 1792 brevet for the Garde nationale says “les yeux gris bleus”, but the remainder “le nez un peu retroussé, la bouche fort bien, le front découvert, le menton pointu et fossette au milieu” agree with the other self-portraits but not this). The signature and date are not completely convincing, and the identification is based on an inscription on the back which is clearly 19th century.

Omitted from the bibliographie is Salmon’s own article in Cabezas & al. 2008, p. 45, where the pastel is erroneously reproduced as c.1795/98.

The question of the progression of Ducreux’s talent and the date of association with La Tour is indeed problematic (XS is not the first since Georgette Lyon to ask – p. 114), but I don’t think it is solved by postponing a meeting until Ducreux was 48 years old, when La Tour was senile and Ducreux could only have been shown his work (which he would already have seen at the salons) rather than see him working. Further XS overlooks examples such as the magnificent pastel of Weirotter (J.285.742) from 1769 which is not only of outstanding quality, but intensely latourien. One should also note the roll call of eminent families Ducreux portrayed from the start of his accounts (1762 on), suggesting that work was directed to him from a studio such as La Tour’s. It is for these reasons that I continue to believe it possible that Ducreux was close to La Tour by the 1760s.

51. Ducreux auto vieux

J.285.151. The donor of inv. RF 2261 (fig. 16) was not the hybridly spelled “Frédéric Anthony White”, but Frederick Anthony White (1842–1933), a well-known British amateur. On p. 114, left column, I published the Louviers pastel (J.285.149) as probably the Salon de 1796, no. 145 (=?J.285.148) in 2012.

XS says nothing about the expensive, elaborate and surely later châssis à cléfs on which this must have been remounted, standing in contrast to the very loose weave of the original canvas.

52. Ducreux Madame Clotilde

J.285.272. Here in particular the location of the Louvre inventory numbers is particularly confusing, placed at the end of often long Historique paragraphs which contain provenance and conservation information.

p. 117: J.285.276 is correctly cited for a work which is in a private collection (not exactly “non précisée” but accorded the proper discretion for a collector), but inexplicably states that it faces left.

56. Ducreux Joseph II

J.285.413. See my Gazette Drouot article. XS does not report that the Louvre pastel (second from right below) is a copy of the figure of Joseph from the famous Batoni painting of 1769 (detail, far left: Vienna, KHM, sent there by Batoni from Florence on 27 June 1769, as reported in the Gazette de Vienne, 12 July 1769 – a few months before the date XS gives for the Ducreux). This has been in the Dictionary since the first edition in 2006.

Kernbauer & Zahradnik 2016, which reproduces most of this group and the versions in Austria, is omitted from the bibliographie; it includes another pastel copy of the Batoni, no doubt by Ducreux as well; the sitter’s right arm is altered (far right). There was at least one more version, given to the comtesse de Brionne and lent by her for the Cathelin engraving published in 1774 (second from left): in that version Ducreux follows the Batoni more closely, including the full display of the stars of the Austrian orders on his coat. In the Louvre and Klangenfurt pastels the drapery is changed (and more of the cordon bleu of the Saint-Esprit is seen), no doubt for the better reception at the French court.

Among the other œuvres en rapport omitted is a drawing from the Louvre itself: Jakob Matthäus Schmutzer , Inv. 18783.

p.122 left column, top line “jeune portraitiste formé par Maurice Quentin de La Tour”: presumably this phrase was written before the discussion on p. 114 implying a later date for Ducreux’s association with La Tour.

p.122: discussion of the two KHM replicas: XS reports his change of mind about the identity of GG-8732, but there is a further confusion about GG-2123 which has been inventoried in Vienna as of Maria Christina.

57. Ducreux dame âgée

J.285.31. Salmon 2008 in the bibliographie here does not appear in the bibliographie on p. 345, but it is of course a reference to his contribution to Cabezas & al. 2008.

59. Mme Filleul, comtesse de Provence

J.316.139. It is reproduced in Boze 2004 as “attributed to Filleul” and mentioned in articles by Laurent Hugues and by Gérard Fabre, although I believe the original suggestion came from Joseph Baillio. I published it as by her in 2006. Blanc 2006 is also omitted from the bibliography.

61/62. Frey Rozeville couple

J.47.1124 & J.47.1125. The proposed identifications (on the basis of the fragmentary inscriptions) are mine. On their dates and the attribution to Frey, see my exhibition review and my Gazette Drouot article. Here is the signed and dated Lefèvre pastel for comparison:

Lefevre Homme Par15vi01

M. de Rozeville’s dates were 1706-1768, not “1720-1730? – 1791-1820?”, while Mme was 1727-1762, not “1725-1787”. (These are found in baptismal records, inventaires après décès, placards de décès etc.)

63. Gandolfi garçon

J.337.101. On costume/date grounds alone Ubaldo would seem more likely.

The reference to the exhibition “Paris, 1983” leads to a different event on p. 337 (the “Institut de France” exhibition).

64. Gautier-Dagoty Crébillon

J.3408.102. p. 134. XS properly credits my discovery of the 1777 text, but misspells the title: it is Annonces, affiches, nouvelles et avis divers de l’Orléanais not Orléannais.

Jacques-Fabien Gautier’s dates, given by XS as 1710? – 1781?, can be found in the Dictionary, as Marseille 1711 – Paris 1785 (he was born on 6 September in the parish of Les Accoules).

65. Gounod Duvivier

J.3546.103. In historique, Nocq was the biographer of the subject (Duvivier), not the artist (Gounod).

66. Gounod marquis de Wailly

J.3546.11. The suggested identities cited by XS in his last paragraph are those proposed (with all necessary reservations) by me where the Dictionary states: “…traditionally described (based on an illegible inscription) as of ‘Mr de Wailly, …général’, it could be of Vincent de Wailly, receveur général des impositions d’Amiens. It does not much resemble the Vincent caricature of the grammarian Noël-François de Wailly or the Pajou bust of his brother the architect Charles de Wailly.” Since there was no “de Wailly, fermier general”, one cannot rule out a non-financier since the reference is wrong. Further “fermier” in the inscription is completely illegible and may be an erroneous interpolation.

67. Greuze L’Effroi

J.361.21. The title would make more sense as L’Effroi, a personification, and the title it was given when it first entered the Louvre (Paris 1990 cat.) and in earlier sources (I could find no general statement about titles of works, many of which – including “autoportraits” – must be new). The bibliographie omits Munhall 2008, no. 10, fig. 34. The provenance is out of sequence, with the 1892 sale preceding the 1875 one (curiously the same error is found in the Dictionary, where the text was corrupted).

The arms are reproduced too small to be deciphered (the rather coarse screening is a criticism of all the reproductions): but from a larger photograph they can be blazoned as: “De …, au chevron de … accompagné en pointe d’un [loup, renard, chien?] contourné de … , la tête contournée, et d’un soleil de … naissant et rayonnant en chef à dextre, au chef de … chargé de trois coquilles de …”. They bear a comital crown, but nevertheless are not to be found in any of the standard armorials (d’Hozier, Borel d’Hauterive, Jougla, Rietstap etc.). It seems possible they may be bogus.

68. D’après Greuze jeune fille

RF 35773 [no J number]. Should this xixe  copy of a Greuze oil painting be included in a catalogue of the Louvre’s xviie–xviiie pastels?

69/70. Anonymes

J.361.347/J.9.5148. The entries for these works are hard to follow. Alphabetically they are linked to Greuze, although only one is in fact connected (XS suggests the other is too). As they are not the same size they are not even pendants (Reiset 1869 has only one of them, no. 1406; it is unclear why XS prints no. 1957 which does not exist in the 1869 edition). The inv. nos. are reversed: in fact 69 is 34898 and 70 is 34897. In the list of œuvres en rapport for no. 70, XS includes a sale at “Roseberry’s” (for Roseberys); the same typographical mistake is regrettably found in my entry for J.9.5148. XS also includes a third version from an internet auction in Dijon, Sadde, 30 juin 2017, Lot 2: but this lot was an unrelated drawing by Arthur Gueniot (there was no pastel in that sale).

XS includes no list of copies for no. 69 = J.361.347 in the Dictionary, where one will be found.

71. Hoin Tête

J.4.229. “Claude Jean-Baptiste Hoin”: his baptismal name was just Claude (see Dictionary for discussion). My entry should have been cited since I suggest a possible earlier provenance: [=?F. de Ribes Christofle; Paris, Petit, 10–11.xii.1928, Lot 37 n.r.]

72. ?Høyer, Christian or Frederick

J.85.11335. See my Gazette Drouot article. XS cites an early version of my reidentification of this portrait based on my detection of the Elephant order. In fact it is now (since 2017) J.85.11335 [olim J.83.1016] of Christian VII, as we know from the engraving of it by John Sebastian Miller, who may have done the pastel (“ad vivum” in the legend), but which I include as English school as there are no other recorded pastels from his hand. It was published in the London magazine for August 1768 to coincide with Christian’s trip to England. (There is no c in the Danish spelling of Frederik, and no K in the French spelling.)

p. 145 fig. 31. XS reports of this pastel, published by Méjanès under an attribution to Drouais, that “Jean-Jacques Petit en a légitimement rendu la paternité à Jean Valade” and cites a 2017 publication. But in fact the work is reproduced (in colour) as by Valade on p. 529 of the 2006 print edition of the Dictionary, and remains there online (J.74.228; where a reference will also be found to Olivier Ribeton’s 1992 suggestion of Valade).

Valade d'Orsay

Given that Ribeton, Jeffares and Join-Lambert & Leclair 2017 all concur that this is of comte d’Orsay it is strange that XS now qualifies this portrait as « présumé » (v. cat. 49 above).

73. Kucharski Mme Barbier-Walbonne

J.438.104. Why is Kucharski’s first name Aleksander given in Polish form when other names (e.g. “Stanislas Auguste”) are not?

On Kucharski and Stanisław August, see my article “Polska i jej elity na tle popularnosci portretu pastelowego w XVIII-wiecznej Europie”, Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, vi, 42, 2017, pp. 137–55.

Mme Barbier Walbonne, whose death is given only as “avant 1837”, died on 31 October 1818 at Bernes-sur-Oise.

“années 1808–1810. Elle pourrait être un peu antérieure.” But is XS claiming it is eighteenth century? If not why is it in the book? In the comparative example repr. as fig. 32, XS gives its details from two sales in New York, Christie’s 10 janvier 1996, lot 251, and Christie’s East, 25 novembre 1997, with the lot number for the second sale omitted. This is exactly the form and (careless) omission that occurred in my entry for J.438.205 (until June 2018; now corrected).

74. Labille-Guiard Bachelier

J.44.118. On the donor (of this and Vincent), Monnier only gave Mme Nannoni; see for her biography.

75. Labille-Guiard Vincent

J.44.276. Bibliographie omits Prat 2017, fig. 423. List of œuvres en rapport follows my J.44.278, which was my identification. The copy sold in 2012 was identified by me. The suggestion in the provenance that this was the picture in Mlle Capet’s inventaire, and that “M. Ansieux” was “[?Jean-Joseph Eléonore Ansiaux (1764–1840), peintre, élève de Vincent]” are mine (unacknowledged). (Note that [ ] in my entries usually means information I have added to previously published data.)

76. Labille-Guiard Pajou

J.44.232. Quincay needs a ç.

My bibliography includes also Renard 2003, p. 147 repr.; XS omits all reference to this work (which includes Perronneau, Huquier, p. 68 in Renard; Perronneau, Cars, p. 84 in Renard; Lundberg, Boucher, p. 101 in Renard; Mme Roslin, Pigalle, p. 114 in Renard), Chardin, auto à l’abat-jour, p. 122, Loir, Belle, étude and pastel, pp. 132 and 133, Boze, autoportrait, p. 139). Similar publications are cited, e.g. Julian Bell’s 500 self-portraits.

Expositions: omits Paris 1963 despite being listed in Passez (see note to cat. 1).

Quotation from Pahin de La Blancherie: it is unclear that this was about the portrait of Vien, not of Pajou. The source quoted is Ratouis de Limay 1946, where however different spelling is given (e.g. “complettement”). The passage in its full context (and with single t) may be found in the Dictionary, at (p. 10 of the current edition of the pdf), where you can see that the passage comes from the Nouvelles for janvier 1783, the month before Pajou was exhibited.

The pastel, its frame by Claude Pepin and his death on 13 January 1782 are discussed in my Prolegomena, omitted from the Bibliographie. This would have been a good case to discuss pastellists’ relationships with framers.

77. Labille-Guiard Beaufort

J.44.136. This was not in “Paris 1927, no. 75” in either the livret or the catalogue commémoratif.

78. La Tour auto (Neilson)

J.46.1009. Is this entry out of sequence? It is far later than the following items, even if the work of which it is a replica is early. The argument can’t be that self-portraits are brought to the front (although this would explain the sequence of the late Ducreux, cat. no. 51), as cat. no. 91 is far later.

XS appears to have made extensive use of my research on Neilson, including my discovery of the pastels by him in a Scottish collection, identifying Dupouch etc. Incidentally they were, but are not now, at Amisfield; they are in a different house. The information he presents is not in the Curmer biography or the Christie’s sale catalogue. In my Neilson article (until I corrected it in June 2018) a typographical error gave Curmer’s first name as Alfred when in fact it is Albert. On p. 339 XS prints my erroneous Alfred.

However XS has simply repeated the erroneous provenance inferred by Christie’s (and followed too by me until 2018) based on the inscriptions rather than independently verifying them. In fact Antoine-Marie Lorin died in 1859, not 1871; and the H. Lorin who received the pastel on the death of “Antonin” was not Antoine-Marie’s son Henri (1817–1914) but the latter’s nephew Henri (1857–1914), brother of the Henriette-Louise (1852–1930) who married Paul Gautier de Charnacé. For the steps see my Neilson genealogy.

79. La Tour Mlle de La Fontaine Solare

J.46.2926. I have all the “œuvres en rapport” listed here, not just one as the text suggests. The identification of the source of Stanisław Leszczyński’s pastel is mine. (There is e.g. no mention of the association in the Voreaux 2004 catalogue of Stanislaw’s work, where the pastel is included as no. 19, p. 190f.) But there are other related works: the curious Mme d’Authier de Saint-Sauveur, whose condition precludes a determination of its status but seems most likely “wrong”; the autograph Mme Restout recently acquired by Orléans; and the obvious pastiche, J.9.6183.

80. La Tour Frémin

J.46.1819. Since Mariette described the pastel shown in 1743, hors cat., as of Frémin “jusqu’aux genoux” I have two J numbers, J.46.1818 and the Louvre’s J.46.1819; XS may well be justified in conflating them.

Despite an extensive discussion of the physical structure of the work, XS does not tell us whether he accepts Méjanès’s view that the extensions are “postérieures”, nor does he report whether the châssis is “à clés” which would be unusual for this period and thus significant.

Bibliographie omits Williams 2015, fig. 5.2.

Historique: It is not obvious how Mme Piot was “arrière-petite-fille” of the sitter. XS omits the earlier steps in my provenance recording rejected offers to sell the work to the Louvre. [Mme Noël, [?]petite fille du sujet; offert au Louvre, 11.iv.1834.] [M. Petit [?]; offert au Louvre, 17.ii.1852, 26.iv.1852, refus;]

81. Attr. La Tour, Religieuse

J.46.2183. See my Gazette Drouot article. The entry is very confusing, starting from the beginning “L’œuvre est entrée au Louvre comme attribué à Maurice Quentin de La Tour”: in fact it was given as by him. It was rejected by Monnier but when I saw it with Jean-François Méjanès in 2004 we both thought it had more potential and agreed on at least reinstating it as “attribué à” La Tour. Looking at it again, and allowing for a curious problem with the nose (perhaps explained by earlier restoration) I now think it is probably autograph. XS appears to think so too, but has inexplicably retained the “attribué à” qualification. A tweet by the Louvre suggested that the attribution to La Tour was recent, to which I responded with some of the above. The claim that the pastel entered the Louvre as an anonyme was repeated in XS’s Louvre lecture (available on YouTube, at 6m00 in); further it was claimed that the misidentification as Madame Louise was “généralement retenu” even though I rejected it in the 2006 print edition of the Dictionary. The exhibition history omits Paris 1888 – and Paris 1963 (see note at Cat. 1 above), where indeed the identification was questioned (“portrait présumé de”). The historique given by XS, which starts with “Georges [sic] de Monbrison”, is incomplete; reference to the Dictionary when XS was writing would have extended this back to 1851, and another researcher (Ólafur Þorvaldsson) has recently kindly drawn my attention to the 1863 sale. The full provenance should be:

Baron de Silvestre; Paris, 11.xii.1851, Lot 234, anon. René Soret; vente p.m., Paris, Drouot, Perrot, 15–16.v.1863, Lot 152 n.r., as by La Tour, ‘très beau pastel d’une conservation remarquable’, ₣360. George Conquéré de Monbrison (1830–1906), château de Saint-Roch 1888; sa nièce Laure-Augusta-Marianne de Monbrison, Lady Ashbourne (1869–1953); don 10.vii.1920 ‘au désir de sa mère’ [Mme Henri-Roger Conquéré de Monbrison, née Élisabeth-Louise-Hélène Hecht (1848–1912)].

Since it was given in memory of her mother, that name should be given.

82. La Tour Le dauphin


It is unclear why XS now refers to Louis le dauphin as “le dauphin Louis Ferdinand”. It is not the form given in the almanachs royaux or in Jougla de Morenas, in XS’s previous work, or on p. 331 of XS (where the normal style is given).

There is no discussion of the curious appearance of the face, which presumably is the result of some form of rubbing.

83. La Tour Orry


Omissions from the bibliographie include Graffigny 2002, vii, p. 115 repr. and James-Sarazin 2016, i, p. 521 repr.

On Duval de l’Épinoy, Mme de Graffigny etc. discussed p.168 one should cite my essay , not simply . My other essay would also be helpful.

The copy in Sierre mentioned in the œuvres en rapport is J.46.2433, repr. in the Dictionary.

There is no suggestion for the maker of the frame in stuc doré with the curious mark DL. The question is discussed Pons 1987 p. 42, of which there is an illustrated version online in Is this not (as Bruno Hochart suggests) the Sieur De Launay, quai de Gesvres recommended by Petit de Bachaumont for his composition frames at this time?

84/85. La Tour Restout/Dumont

J.46.2687/J.46.1681. Why combine the entries? Why aren’t there sections for the œuvres en rapport? (There are many in the Dictionary, including of the full versions and the preparations.) A more consistent approach to œuvres en rapport (which are sometimes just cross-referred to the Dictionary, sometimes set out in full, sometimes embedded in the text) would make the book easier to use.

86. La Tour Lemoyne

J.46.2015. The incomplete bibliographie omits for example McCullagh 2006, fig. 8; Williams 2015, fig. 5.5.

A far more extended discussion of which salon etc is required, including of my classification: I published the Dormeuil version as not autograph in the online Dictionary (J.46.2011) in 2013. But I think it likely that it is a copy of the lost La Tour rather than (as XS implies) a pastiche (a derived work with alterations) after the Louvre J.46.2015. There are three points XS does not discuss. First, there are differences in the face: notably the cleft chin and tighter jowls in J.46.2011 indicate that J.46.2015 does show an older figure, albeit probably not as much as 16 years older (but the pastel shown is 1763 was probably executed in the 1750s). Second, XS does not mention the Valade painting in which the head (including the wig) seems to be copied directly from J.46.2011 (or the lost autograph prototype J.46.201, quite possibly the Joly de Bammeville pastel J.46.2023). Third, an examination of Lemoyne’s workshop sale in 1778 (see ) reveals that he owned other copies after La Tour pastels (the strongest hope for the Dormeuil pastel was the provenance).

87. La Tour Maurice de Saxe

J.46.2865. All the copies and more are of course in the Dictionary. The inv. no. for J.46.2889 should be NT 0131, not NY 0667.

XS and I disagree about status of some versions. XS discusses the Pannier version, which he regards as autograph, and mentions the Christie’s 2015 sale but does not state that it was there classified as “attribué”. XS does not disclose which pastels he has examined de visu (the Dictionary does disclose this, using the symbol s).

For “Prohengues” read Pierre, marquis de “Prohenques”; B&W’s error has been repeated in numerous secondary sources, obscuring the identity of the maréchal de Saxe’s executor.

88. La Tour Louis XV

J.46.2089. The bibliographie omits Fumaroli 2005 and Fumaroli 2007. The presentation of the œuvres en rapport (here and in other entries) doesn’t assist in determining whether the sales refer to the same or different versions. In the discussion of the Liotard versions, the pastel in Vannes which R&L include was discovered by me in Vannes, and first published by me in the 2006 print Dictionary. The copy in the musée Garinet is in oil, not pastel. Among a number of omissions (listed in the Dictionary) is a pastel copy in La Salle University Art Museum, and the version listed (with the queen photographed) in Schloß Seifersdorf in 1904 (see further under cat. 89).

In XS’s Louvre lecture (YouTube, at 46m30s) it is stated that the frame for this and for the queen (cat. 89) were made by Maurisan, and his receipt for frames for pastels of these subjects is mentioned on p. 164 of the catalogue. But according to Pons 1987 (p. 48), only that of the queen could correspond with the works in the Louvre: the 1748 invoice covered works by La Tour and Nattier, “dont un par M. La Tour” [my emphasis]. Indeed the entremilieux of the frames for the king and dauphin were “d’un losange et entrelas et de bandes très délicatement travaillé”, which are not found on the Louvre frames. If XS has new evidence, he should give his source and explain Pons’s error.

As XS has repeated (on p. 176f) his previous discussion about the provenance of the other pastel of Louis XV now deposited in the Getty (fig. 40), it may be worth correcting this at some length. (The online version of the Dictionary was amended to follow Salmon’s 2007 Metropolitan Museum journal article, but I will shortly correct it in line with this discussion.) The pastels of Louis XV and Marie Leszczyńksa in the Delaherche sale, respectively lots 176 and 177, were described in considerable detail in the catalogue:

La Tour Louis XV Delaherche sale 1889

This makes if quite clear that they were copies of the pastels in the Louvre (the king’s ermine mantle is not present in the Getty pastel, and the frame described is a copy of that in the Louvre, quite different from that of the Getty; the queen’s frame is also evidently a copy of that in the Louvre, which differs from that of the king). These were no doubt the pastels that appeared in the Sichel sale, where they were respectively lots 32 and 31 (not 31 and 32 as in XS, p. 176);

La Tour Louis XV Sichel sale 1899

but it was there, not in 1910, that they were separated, with the queen being bought by Perkins, while the king was acquired by Bourdariat. At this sale they were “école de La Tour”, a euphemism for copies; they were of different sizes, and had different frames. It isn’t clear if they were reunited by the comte de B… whose sale took place in 1910; it seems more likely that these were a different pair, now described as pendants, both 65×54 cm, and the attribution upgraded:

La Tour Louis XV cte de B sale 1910

The annotation in the sale catalogue is ambiguous, but is consistent with the statement that Mannheim bought Marie Leszczyńska (as he died three weeks later it would have been back on the market very rapidly), while this version of the king was bought by the great-grandfather of the owner of the Getty pastel in 2004. But that pastel cannot have been the one in the Delaherche or Sichel sales. And that pastel copy and that of the queen, missing from the œuvres en rapport, are significant perhaps because of the trouble that had been taken to copy each of the two different frames. One speculates if they might even be among the copies recorded by Durameau in the magazin at Versailles in 1784.

89. La Tour Marie Leszczyńska

J.46.2269. The bibliographie omits Fumaroli 2007, repr.; Tarabra 2008, p. 294 repr.; Grison 2015, fig. 7; Perronneau 2017, fig. 12. The œuvres en rapport refers to the Dictionary, but incorrectly states that I have omitted an oil copy sold at Sotheby’s Olympia, 20.iv.2004; I have not – it appears between J.46.2294 and J.46.2297 (oils don’t get J numbers but do appear in the sequence). The copy in the mBA Bordeaux (inv. 1431) is not a painting but a pastel (XS repeats Monnier’s error). The version listed in Nancy in the 1895 catalogue does not appear in the 1897 edition.

Huin portraits at Seifersdorf2The version said to be “conservée à Berlin (ancienne collection Cassirer, vente, Londres, 23-24 mars 1926” is my J.46.2291, sold in Berlin, at the auction house Cassirer & Helbing, 23–24.iii.1926, Lot 416 from the collection of Graf Brühl – apparently the one photographed in Schloß Seifersdorf in 1904 (left: the Dresden frame is visible). Given Brühl’s importance in the Saxon court this and its pendant, Lot 415 from the same sale (which Monnier and so XS didn’t mention), are of some interest.

See the discussion above (cat. 88) for the Delaherche and Sichel copy: on p. 179, XS writes of the Delaherche version “il ne semble pas s’agir de la version du Louvre”: this seems to suggest he thinks it is of a different model – but the Delaherche catalogue description above follows the Louvre version precisely.

Among the oeuvres en rapport, XS lists a copy of the La Tour by Tocqué at Gatchina. This again is taken from Monnier without identifying her mistake. She cited Serge Ernst, Gazette des beaux-arts, April 1928, p. 244, where the Gatchina painting is stated to be after the large painting in the Louvre: but this of course is after Tocqué’s own painting in the Louvre, inv. 8177, sd 1740, and commenced 1738 (ten years before the La Tour), as comte Doria pointed out in the Gazette des beaux-arts just a few months later (September 1928, p. 156).

90. La Tour Mme de Pompadour

J.46.2541. I have numerous additions to bibliographie. The copie XS says I have omitted is in fact there (J.46.2568), and has been since before the sale (20 October 2017).

91. La Tour Préparation

J.46.2608. See my Gazette Drouot article. The Bibliographie omits Dayot 1904, p. 321 repr.; Dreyfus 1909, repr.; MacFall 1909, repr.; New York times,, repr.; Gazette Drouot, 21.iii.2008, p. 113 repr.; Prat 2017, p. 233 n.r.

Expositions: Paris 1908a, no number, repr. p. 39: XS confuses this with a quite different pastel, no. 51 in Paris 1908a, which is in fact J.9.6645 (Éc. fr., Allégorie de l’Architecture).

It should be noted here that the technique is quite different from the La Tour preparations of the “second category” as defined in the entry; it is unusually highly finished and has a dubious inscription. In 1883 it was simply a “tête de femme”, and in 1922 it was sold as of the “Comtesse de X” even though Roger-Milès (as was his habit) had given it the nom de fantaisie of la Pompadour in 1908. When Haldane MacFall reproduced the work (again as of an inconnue) the words “La Comtesse” were clearly visible; they may have been obscured subsequently, perhaps in order to present the sitter as the marquise de Pompadour, as she appears in Roger-Milès and B&W. But the face is so different to hers that I do not think we can retain even “présumée”.

The postscript from letter from Kaunitz cited here as though unpublished has appeared frequently in print since it was first published by the Goncourts, Madame de Pompadour (p. 214 in the 1888 edition).

92. La Tour d’Alembert

J.46.1218. Omissions from the bibliographie include Conisbee 2003, fig. 13; Tarabra 2008, p. 91 repr. More œuvres en rapport.

93. La Tour auto vieux

J.46.115. Bibliographie omits Ewa Lajer-Burcharth, Necklines, 1999, p. 36, fig. 14.

The provenance of the work is indeed rather confusing. XS cites Fontaine’s list (of pictures at the magasins de Versailles), which he reads as implying that the work was in the former Académie royale, but is then unable to find any confirmation of that in other Académie lists. But Fontaine explained (Fontaine 1910, p. 119) that this list is “l’état des portraits d’artistes ou d’amateurs deposes dans les magasins de Versailles assez peu de temps sans doute après la suppression du musée des monuments français…comme…nous ne trovons pas, pour beaucoup d’oeuvres, d’indication de provenance, il est naturel de penser qu’elles étaient arrivées directement de Paris.” Further the La Tour entry, which occurs on p. 124, is unnumbered (so it was not included in the inventaire of an II), and Fontaine adds a footnote: “Jamais il n’y eut, semble-t-il, à l’Académie, de portrait de La Tour par lui-même.”

95. La Tour Chardin

J.46.1436. Bibliographie omits Williams 2009, fig. 4; Lajer-Burcharth 2018, fig. 2.86. Omitted from the oeuvres en rapport is J.46.1438, the “little-known but lovely”
pastel étude mentioned by Pierre Rosenberg (Chardin: new thoughts, Lawrence, 1983, p. 68).

96. La Tour comte de Provence

J.46.2624. Bibliographie omits Versailles 2006b, fig. 61.

97. La Tour Deschamps

J.46.162. The reference to the Chicago version in œuvres en rapport cites only B&W; the Dictionary, under J.46.1622, provides more information about its history.

The discussion on p. 206 of XS is based on an old assumption that Deschamps was a first cousin of La Tour, so that his grandfather would be Jean de La Tour as XS states. In fact, after painstaking research leading to this pedigree which I published in 2016 (see also my essay La Tour’s family ), it is now clear that Deschamps was La Tour’s second cousin. Deschamps’s grandmother Marguerite Garbe, Mme Pierre Caton, was sister of La Tour’s grandmother, Marie Garbe, Mme Jean de La Tour. Although he refers to one document I published, XS appears not to have read my work on the family; and when he cites Besnard & Wildenstein 1928, pp. 74-5, he does not cite my hugely expanded and heavily annotated revised edition .

98. Lenoir Lekain

J.478.182. Bibliographie omits RED, “Art in France”, Burlington magazine, xiii/64, .vii.1908, p. 233 n.r. (“a fine pastel portrait”); and Neil Jeffares, “ ‘Why bother with Joseph Boze?’ Pastels in The Burlington Magazine”, , 29.i.2014.

99. Liotard Mme Tronchin

J.49.234. Bibliographie omits Burns 2017, p. 27 repr.

100. “Lips” Lavater

J.92.1438. I regard both attributions as rather speculative (what does “attribué à X ou à Y” mean in a system where “attribué” means “more likely than not”? I could find no avertissement covering XS’s use of such terms). XS cites the Dictionary for “le seul autre pastel de Lips que nous connaissons”; the other work I list J.4916.101 is even less like the Louvre pastel. Has XS found any example of Lavater himself using the LG monogram? The Dictionary suggests Longastre (see the Dictionary article for why; the connection is certainly worth discussing) or Swiss school as alternatives to anon. German where they should remain.

101. Loir Belle

J.495.106. “A la technique unique”, and repeated in XS’s Louvre lecture (YouTube, at 22m20), where XS suggests that this is the only pastel on copper known. The technique was developed and extensively used by Luttrell and infrequently by Faithorne, H. D. Hamilton and J. H. Schmidt. It is notable that Loir travelled to England and may have come across examples there (see also the discussion of cat. 155 below).

102. Lundberg Catherine Opalińska

J.503.1398. This has been in the online Dictionary as of Katarzyna Opalińska since 2010. Salmon 1997a, p. 113f, has this as attr., inconnue, and so I first published this correctly, but am omitted from the bibliography.

103. Lundberg Natoire


104. Lundberg Boucher


Bibliographie omits Michael Levey, “A Boucher mythological painting interpreted”, Burlington magazine, cxxiv/952, July 1982, pp. 438–46, fig. 59 and Lajer-Burcharth 2018, fig. 1.1. There is extensive wet pastel on the Boucher in particular not reported in the description.

105. Lundberg Frederick [sic]

J.503.1197. I reproduce two versions of the later work cited, possibly the same. In the expositions, Paris 1994 should be Paris 1994a.

106. Lundberg Vergennes

J.503.172. The tentative identification of this as =?J.503.1722, the inconnu in the saisie d’émigré of 1797, was my suggestion; XS claims “Nous pensons qu’il faut le reconnaître parmi…” without crediting me.

108. Montjoie Homme

J.543.114. My discoveries of Montjoie’s biographical details are credited, but the url cited, [sic], won’t even take you to the home page.

109. Natoire tête

J.553.107. Why is this sheet with only touches of pastel in the book?

110. Nattier jeune femme

J.554.194. Here XS includes a reference to Jeffares 2006, p. 389. I can add that the pastel was in the sale of Beurnonville and others, Paris, Drouot, Pillet, 20–21.v.1873, Lot 102, not reproduced.

The standard spelling is Maupeou, not Maupéou.

111. D’après Nattier, princesse de Condé

J.554.303. Monnier has as inconnue; my entry is correct.

112. Perronneau Huquier

J.582.139. In the exhibitions, XS gives “Paris, 1927, n° 96 et 74” which is unexplained. In my entry I have “Paris 1927a, no. 96, pl. li-74” which is my system (explained ) for indicating the numbers in the livret and the catalogue commémoratif. To be consistent with the system XS adopts for the Paris 1908a exhibition, the 1927 livret numbers should appear in the Expositions, and the catalogue commémoratif should appear under Bibliographie, as Dacier & Ratouis de Limay 1927.

The identification of Huquier fils as André-Prosper (1741– ) was made by me before 2012.

113. Perronneau Mlle Huquier

J.582.1393. To bibliographie add Dilke 1899 and Перова 2006, p. 15 repr. I question the status of the Huau version; I can find no evidence that he was the “heir of Huquier” on which the attribution of this badly worn version depends.

114. Perronneau Homme dit Bastard

J.582.1059. I have several additions to bibliographie, including an 1873 article in the London Standard; Gimpel 1963 and 2011; and Adair 1971.

116. Perronneau Couturier de Flotte

J.582.1266. Inv RF 1697, not 1967

Jean Couturier de Flotte died in Paris 9 février 1780, not 1779.

The provenance confuses Henri Dussumier de Fonbrune with unrelated Henri Poussou de Fontbrune (see my exhibition review). Add Les Donateurs du Louvre 1989 to bibliographie.

117. Perronneau Cars

J.582.1155. I agree with d’Arnoult about the status of the two copies XS wishes to promote to répliques. On p. 244 XS correctly refers to Cars’s mother as Marie Barbery, as I have in J.582.1154 (and highlighted in my important discussion; while Arnoult 2014 erroneously had Babuty.

118. Perronneau Tassin de La Renardière

J.582.1758. Add to exhibitions Portraits français, Galerie Charpentier,–3.x.1945, no. 80, where it was reproduced.

119. Perronneau Van Robais

J.582.1782. In many of the provenance discussions reference to the genealogies in the Dictionary would simplify the narrative.

120/121. Pillement paysages

J.592.249/J.592.248. Bibliographie omits Gordon-Smith 2006, fig. 265/266. The pictures were left by Mme Paul Mottard, née Laure-Anne-Marie-Henriette Bonehill (who had died in 1944). Here (and on p. 102) it is odd to describe the Horvitz pictures as in Wilmington, the place of incorporation of a holding company, rather than Beverly Fields, Massachusetts, where the works are kept.

122/123. Prud’hon


124. Prud’hon Mme B


It is unclear why these are included as they seem to be nineteenth century.

125. Regnault Gardel

J.613.101. XS has acknowledged my 2016 solution to the biographical confusions – but still omits me from bibliographie. To it should be added Benoît Dratwicki, Antoine Dauvergne (1713–1797), Wavre, 2011, p. 382 repr. To the exhibition list should be added the Rameau exhibition at the BnF, 1964-65 (no. 354).

126. Suzanne Roslin Pigalle

J.63.142. Although Mme Roslin’s forenames are frequently given as Marie-Suzanne, official documents while her mother was still alive name her as Jeanne-Suzanne, and it is safer to call her just Suzanne (see Dictionary article).

Omissions from the bibliographie include Los Angeles 1976b (the influential exhibition on Women artists 1550–1950), where it is reproduced on p. 41 (the reference on p. 40 to Labille-Guiard’s Pajou is also omitted).

127. Russell Mary Hall

J.64.172. The identification of the sitter was set out in detail on my blog which XS simply cites as “blog en ligne”; the url is

In the transcription of the signature, Russell’s long s (ſ) has been incorrectly rendered as a capital S.

According to the system in the Dictionary, of the numerous copies listed the two I have called “versions” rather than “copies” are because I have seen no images, and cannot therefore assess their status. It does not follow (on the contrary it is improbable) that they are “de meilleure qualité”.

p.264: XS suggests that Russell was unique in providing written instructions for conservation pasted to the back: he was not (see §iv.19 “Artists’ conservation instructions”, Prolegomena).

128. Russell Bartolozzi

J.64.114. “J W S Tomkins” was Peltro’s grandson, Jocelyn William Smith Tomkins (1841–1920), a fine art dealer. “Ingamels” [sic] is misspelled here and on p. 341 (once, but correctly immediately below).

129. “Russell” lady

J.64.006. “Russells” monogrammed with initials in red chalk are rarely if ever genuine. The frame is French. The provenance before 1967 is also curiously unsatisfactory. If reliable, it would be easy enough to find ladies of the family of the right age – for example Anne, Lady Jocelyn’s daughter-in-law, Frances Theodosia Bligh (1760–1802), who would have been a plausible age in 1792. “Claneboye” is a viscountcy, not a barony. But this is irrelevant: the rather bland face (left) in my view is derived from a genuine Russell pastel (right) of Mrs Ralph Leeke, née Honor Frances Harvey Thursby (1769–1843):

Commissioned for 15 guineas in 1792, Mrs Leeke descended in the family and is known only from a letter in Country Life in 1962, five years before the Louvre pastel appeared on the French art market for the first time. Russell pastiches of similarly high quality are not unknown: a recent example is “Mrs King” J.64.1956. Doubts are not allayed by the internal construction: the pastel is mounted on a châssis à clefs, of a kind Russell did not use (and which were very rarely used in the 18th century for strainers of this size), and the canvas shows no sign of the tension found in Russell pastels where the paper is pasted wet; there are no rust stains on the canvas from the tacks; and the canvas appears to have been painted on the reverse.

130. Russell Jeans family

J.64.1863. The biographical details I established and XS acknowledges were provided again in another post on my blog: Readers may be baffled how to find this when the only reference given is “blog, 19 décembre 2017”. Even would be better.

131/132/133. Anon. a/r Schmidt Victor Amédée/Maria Antonia Fernanda

J.9.2882/J.9.2229/J.9.2231 XS credits Jean-Jacques Petit (presumably an unpublished private communication) with the identification of these sitters. But I first published these (in 2010, after a private communication from another source) as an anonymous copy of a portrait of Victor-Amédée and his wife on the basis of another version in oil of Victor-Amédée in Versailles (MV 3964 – the one XS reproduces as fig. 75 but without the MV inv. no.). XS notes the visit of Johann Heinrich Schmidt to Turin and his (lost) portrait of the king which I mention in my Schmidt article, but goes on to infer “pour des raisons stylistiques” that MV 3964 is by Schmidt. Unfortunately to my eye there is nothing in common with the fairly extensive œuvre of Schmidt established in my Dictionary, and I think MV 3964 should remain anonymous (like all other royal figures, Victor Amadeus was painted by many different artists). The Louvre pastels are frankly of execrable quality, and below the standard I should expect from the “copistes de cour chargés de multiplier les versions…” as XS suggests.

136/137. Valade Lacroix couple

J.74.239/J.74.24. It might be interesting to comment on the miniature on Mme Lacroix’s wrist, which is derived from the pendant, but shows her husband in a red rather than a blue coat. XS notes the curious size of the daughter, Suzanne-Félicité, but the greater curiosity is her age; XS gives her birth as “après 1766” in the headline of no. 137, but she is in fact older than the son born that year, and was the twin of the eldest son: she was born in Paris on 2 juillet 1760, as in the Dictionary. (XS knows this, as he reveals on p. 273, right hand column, 4 lines from the bottom, that she was born in 1760.)

138. Vigée Mme des Radrets

J.758.305. The identification of Monnier’s “Mlle d’Estraret” as Mme Louis-Grégoire Mirleau de Neuville des Radrets, née Anne Racine (1731–1805), fille de Louis Racine, petite-fille du poète was first published by me in 2006 in the print edition of the Dictionary. This is unacknowledged; indeed the claim that the old identification was believed “jusqu’à présent” is repeated in XS’s Louvre lecture (YouTube, at 19m45s).

141/142. Vigée Le Brun Duc d’Orléans, Mme de Montesson

J.76.318 & J.76.306. These were my discoveries in 2013 and published online in early 2014. My research was acknowledged by name in the 23 March 2014 sale catalogue. When XS published a short article with an incomplete provenance I provided a key link which XS initially dismissed in private correspondence but has now published as correct on the basis of the detailed proof I established. I believe the discovery of the invoice for the versions was due to Geneviève Haroche.

Louis-Philipe, duc d’Orléans should not be headlined “Le duc Louis-Philippe d’Orléans”.

143. Vigée Le Brun Jules de Polignac

J.76.33. The bibliographie omits Prat 2017, fig. 251. I note an oil copy which XS does not report.

144. Vigée Le Brun Inconnu “comte de Fries”

J.76.195. The identity in Monnier was questioned by me in 2006 (“?comte de Fries”), and subsequently rejected (“??comte de Fries”) in the online Dictionary – and of course by others too (notably Joseph Baillio, probably the first to do so), but not in earlier publications that I know. XS however retained the identification, as recently as in Salmon 2014b, p. 14; he has however omitted this work from the present bibliographie.

145. Attr. Voiriot homme

J.773.152. Monnier’s attribution has never seemed convincing, and I have [?attr.] in the Dictionary indicating that I do not really believe it, but have no better suggestion. While I agree with the parallels between Hazon and the Pasadena man (J.773.12 and J.773.15), I don’t think either helps lift the Louvre pastel out of anonymity. But the step from there to suggesting that the sitter be Jean Voiriot (1672–1740) is too far for me: the Louvre pastel appears to date from the mid-eighteenth century and the sitter to me looks 40–50 years of age.

p. 290ff. I cannot understand sequence of the anonymes. Is there a difference between “École française du xviiie siècle” and “Anonyme français du xviiie siècle” or is this just carelessness?

146. Anon. xviiie femme

J.9.514. Possibly a later pastiche, but in my view French, not “anonyme étranger”.

148. Éc. fr. xviiie Enfant aux cartes

J.9.5136. The discussion of the possible identity is too inchoate for inclusion here.

149. Éc. fr. xviiie Femme en robe blanche

J.9.5142. XS again suggests Frey, but I am unconvinced.

150. Éc. fr. xviiie Nicole Ricard

J.103.126. On the attribution to Lenoir or Allais see my exhibition review.

153. Éc. fr. xviiie Bacchanale

J.9.8262. The tentative attribution to Caresme was my suggestion, before 2011. XS notes the parallel with my J.197.119, but suggests that he knows only one such example while my Caresme article lists four more in his preferred coloured chalk medium. I also have a signed conventional pastel.

In his lecture, in a passage on frames and cadres d’origine, XS suggests that the frame is based on an Oppenord design from c.1700. But the frame itself appears to be in composition and quite probably later than the pastel.

154. Éc. fr. xviiie duchesse de Civrac

J.9.1381. The identification of the “duchesse de Civrac” as Anne-Marie de La Faurie de Monbadon is mine (Jeffares 2006, p. 580).

155. Éc. fr. xviiie Paulian

J.9.2394. I relegated this to the anonymes in 2006 (p. 587). I see nothing to connect the pastel, which is of very modest achievement, with Alexis Loir, whose magisterial pastel (cat. 101) cannot be much earlier and which demonstrates a vastly more sophisticated modelling etc. The analogy between the use of preparation on a copper support and on a paper one is too tenuous to supplant connoisseurship.

The unusual technique in the pastel may reflect the Italian connections of the sitter: Chaperon (§323) attributed its use to several pastellists in Rome (although of course it was developed by Reiffenstein in Germany, used by Liotard etc.).

Let us take the opportunity to note that Marie-Auguste-Albert-Marcel Simon (although omitted from Les Donateurs du Louvre), born 1856, was an officier de la Légion d’honneur and conseiller à la cour d’appel de Paris. XS, who reports only his death, provides a detailed genealogy of the donor up to his great-grandmother, “Marie-Lucrèce de Paulian” [sic], but failed to identify the latter’s father, the donor’s “trisaïeul” and thus the sitter. He was (according to information kindly located by M. Louis Lapierre in the archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères) François Paulian, whose wife was Marie-Anne Bontory. (Not to be confused with François Paulian (1761–1822), maire de Nice, whose features are known from another pastel, by Henri, J.3856.051.) The “marquis” and even the “de” are simply wrong, and the search for a marquesal seigneurie pointless. I could find no record in the online registers of the marriage of their daughter Marie-Lucrèce Paulian to Innocent Rey (1755–1835) in Marseille (20 juillet 1800) as XS states (a pedant would note that the pastel of her father did not enter the family on that marriage): they had already married, in Genoa on 9 October 1798 (archives MAF), and the birth of their eldest son was registered in Marseille (Midi) on 29 June 1800 (when the parents already described as “époux”). Rey was a commis in the Levant trade, and acting consul for Cyprus etc. His father, Pierre Rey (who married Rose-Catherine Sardou in 1753), was a painter in Marseille, of whose work nothing is known: there is nothing to identify him as the pastellist.

MNR section

This section of the book is not presented as an appendix or annex, but as a full part, although the works do not belong to the Louvre. The “comme de” formula for all the MNR items seems inappropriate in a catalogue raisonné. (I don’t have a copy of the English translation of XS, but a glimpse of some pages suggests this phrase has been rendered as “ascribed to”, while elsewhere “attributed” is used with its common meaning. That seems no clearer to me without explicit definition: the term is used quite differently by various auction houses, sometimes with the implication that the ascription is incorrect, sometimes the opposite.) The url for the Rose Valland site is correctly printed. I note that XS does cite the Dictionary in the bibliographies for these works (unlike for the Louvre’s own property); this may be connected with the fact that I am included in the bibliographies for these pastels on the Rose Valland site.

REC 10 Bernard Femme en bleu

J.147.251. I provided the full names and dates in the provenance from the fragments on the label, unacknowledged.

REC 9 Allais Dame

J.103.186. I first reattributed this work to Allais, which had traditionally been attributed to Heinsius. I inserted a cross-reference from Heinsius to Allais in the Heinsius article. But XS cites the cross reference but not the entry in the Allais article, making it appear that I retain the Heinsius attribution.

As for Allais, the pastellist was misidentified in all sources (including by XS in a 2008 publication) as Pierre Allais until my researches c.2010 when I reidentified him as Jacques-Charles Allais and discovered the dates which XS now quotes on p. 308 (a cross-reference to the acknowledgement on p. 294 would help).

REC 166 Labille-Guiard Mme Clodion

J.44.16. Bibliographie omits e.g. Labat 1909.

I am correctly cited in the Bibliographie as in the 2017 online edition, although of course it is in the 2006 print edition of the Dictionary (p. 270) that I list the work as autograph notwithstanding Mme Passez’s rejection; the 2006 edition predates the 2008 and 2009 publications cited. The Dictionary incorrectly stated that the work was restituted, although in fact that has now happened (28 June 2018). The discussion in XS reports (somewhat unclearly) Mme Passez’s confusion of the original with a copy in the family signed and dated “Melle B./1785”. XS’s text states that Mme Passez confirmed this was “sans doute de la main de Mlle Bocquet”, while n.10 is more measured: in fact the note she wrote at the time says “il ne serait pas impossible qu’il soit de Melle Bocquet.” Whoever it was who made the copy of Flore Pajou in 1785, we can be quite sure it was not Rosalie Bocquet, as she had been Mme Filleul since 1777. (It is more likely to be by one of Labille-Guiard’s pupils, Jeanne Bernard, who became Mme Dabos in 1788. Although no other pastel has survived, her autograph initials are known from an 1820 notarial document which might confirm or contradict the suggestion if the pastel or an image can be located.)

The biography of Flore given by XS is extremely brief: at the very least one should note that after her divorce from Clodion she married Louis-Pierre Martin, but after some years she divorced again for the second time. She is usually referred to as “Mme Clodion”, although since Clodion is not a family name this is more useful that strictly accurate. But it is misleading to headline her “Catherine Flore, née Pajou” suggesting Flore is her husband’s family name.

REC 7 ?La Tour Albespierre

J.46.1214. I first sorted out the confusion in the photographs in Monnier in which this was swapped with Rozeville. This has now been restituted (May 2018), so it surprising to see that XS expresses the opinion (for a work that is no longer in the Louvre’s charge) that “Stylistiquement, l’œuvre ne peut être rattachée au corpus de Maurice-Quentin de La Tour” without analysis. I don’t share this conviction that this is not by La Tour (although the handling is unusual, to me it shows remarkable parallels with J.46.1829, including the unusual bold strokes over the coat).

REC 8 Anon. Carlin

J.758.138. I first published this as not by La Tour (2006, p. 578). XS cites my La Tour chapter where there is only a cross-reference to the proper entry among the anonymes, making it look as though I think the work is by La Tour (see my exhibition review n.2). In 2006 I published the work as éc. fr., noting the possibility of Vigée which has remained online in that form (as J.9.1147 until now). I now think that more likely than not, and attribute it to La Tour. The iconography of Carlin is far more extensive than the wretched print XS cites, and includes another (rather earlier) pastel by Vigée.

REC 128 ??Liotard jeune femme

J.9.515. The bibliography omits Roethlisberger & Loche 2008, no. R75, and the confused reference to the Dictionary seems misleadingly to suggest that I consider it to be by Liotard which of course I do not. According to the Rose Valland site, this pastel is “comme d’après Jean Étienne Liotard” rather than “comme de Jean Étienne Liotard”.

REC 4 & REC 5 Perronneau Michel de Grilleau couple

J.582.1594 & J.582.1593. There has been much discussion of the identification of this couple. D’Arnoult made a specific choice which I question and I am pleased to see that XS follows me in regarding the matter as undecidable.

Pastels deposés hors du musée

Catalogue numbers would have been helpful. It is not immediately clear why some of these get numbered entries in the main sequence but it appears that those which XS has previously catalogued in Versailles are not discussed (even when he has revised his attributions, or when new scholarship has been published since 1997, so that the bibliographies are now substantially out of date – only a few of the omissions are noted below; further Salmon 1997 was largely illustrated only in black and white). These however are given different information on different pages: e.g. Ducreux, Marie-Élisabeth d’Autriche is given the Louvre inv. 19179 on p. 327 (but no MV number), but also reproduced on p. 118 as fig. 18, given as Versailles (neither inv. number, but the full title of “Versailles, musée national des châteaux de Versailles et de Trianon” which is repeated for each – but not on pp. 327ff, where they are also reproduced); the MV number only appears on p. 119. My concordance may help.

As Boze, L.-H.-J. de Bourbon, inv. 35116/J.9.1193. This now appears as by Boze, following an appearance in Boze 2004 as attributed to Boze, which did not convince. Salmon 1997 (anon.) is preferred.

Bréa, Laromiguière, inv. 25045, J.179.104: this is signed and dated 1813 (which is not stated in XS p. 326), and so does not belong in the book.

D’après Carriera, Löwendal, inv. 35113/MV 4466/J.21.0718: this is not a copy of a known Carriera pastel, but a pastiche after Carriera’s pastel of Ambrose Philips (J.21.0854), a version of which was erroneously described as of “Philipps Dashwood” in Salmon 1997. The opportunity should have been taken to correct the entry.

As Ducreux, Marie Christine, inv. 35422/J.285.5691: Salmon 1997 was “attr.”, a qualification that has disappeared. This remains a problem picture, with several unreported related versions.

As Ducreux, Choderlos de Laclos, inv. 27625/J.285.261: Salmon 1997 was “attr.”, a qualification that has (correctly in my view) disappeared.

Morel, inv. RF 1187/J.5448.101: In 1997 XS mentioned only Jean-Paul Morel, following Ratouis de Limay 1946. My researches identified the artist reçu in 1759 as just “Jean Morel”, which XS now follows (unacknowledged).

Suzanne Roslin, Dumont, inv. 32737/J.63.112: recent bibliographie adds Stein 1997, fig. 58; Vallayer-Coster 2002, p. 78; Renard 2003, p. 113 repr.

Schmidt, Choiseul & Jarente (inv. 35108/J.662.118; 35107/J.662.16): the signature which was difficult to read on the latter has now been (correctly) deciphered (neither I nor XS in 1997 had been able to do so), but the reattribution of these since 1997 is not explained on p. 332; a cross reference to p. 270 would help but even there the explanation is incomplete. The Dictionary lists a number of related items.

Voïart, Rouget de Lisle inv. 35277/J.7724.101. This work was done in 1835 and has no place in the catalogue.

Éc. fr. Alary: the correct inv. no. is 35159, not 35149. I agree that the pastel belongs among the anonymes.

Éc. fr. prince de Condé: J.1162.101. Bernd Pappe has attributed this in his 2015 catalogue raisonné of Augustin.

Éc. italienne, Don Philippe, inv. 35482/J.94.1025. Add Malinverni 2010, fig. 2 to bibliographie.


I could find no reference to the following pastels although they have Louvre inventory numbers and are included in the Inventaire informatisé:

Lambert, Homme Louvre inv. RF 41186; dep.: Gray, musée Baron Martin J.445.102

Vivien, un abbé Louvre inv. RF 41187; dep.: Tours, mBA J.77.349

École française xviiie, Menou Louvre RF 2004; dep.: Versailles, MV 5343

Fouquet, Brissot Louvre RF 16680; dep.: Versailles, MV 6091

Table de Concordance

In addition to the above entries, the table omits cat. 115.

It also omits the pastels déposés unless they happen to be in Châteauroux.

The numerical sequence is not followed correctly (e.g. RF 1697).


p. 338: Salzbourg 2017. The name of the curator of the exhibition was not Xavier Salmon (a contributor and the author of the relevant notice), but Regina Kaltenbrunner.


It appears that far from being comprehensive (and while there are many references to general books that reproduce Louvre pastels), the bibliographies are a compilation of indirect secondary references. I have not looked into this systematically, but consider for example Lothar Brieger’s important early pastel survey. It was published without a year on the title page, but is generally reported as 1921. It may have been reprinted in 1923 (and other years) but as far as I know all the reprintings are identical and a single reference is all that should appear; XS prints the two side by side. “Brieger 1923” is the style in Arnoult 2014 where it is cited for cat. no. 113 (Mlle Huquier) but not for 117 (Cars). The only citations of Brieger I could find in XS were to no. 104 (as 1921; the Lundberg Boucher) and to 113 (as 1923), although there are at least nine more Louvre pastels reproduced in Brieger which are not cited in XS (nos. 27, 33, 42, 43, 44, 49, 90, 96, 117; inv. 27039).

There are of course numerous other omissions, particularly of non-French sources. Listing would be an endless task; here are a few examples. Adrian Bury’s 1971 study of La Tour may not be much missed, but the omission of Burns 2007 (full details of these omitted short form references are in the Dictionary bibliography) is more surprising. It seems that the only citations of Zolotov’s monnographs on La Tour (1960) and French portraiture (1968) are the handful Monnier included, although many other Louvre pastels (La Tour and Perronneau) were reproduced. Among the surveys of French eighteenth century art in which Louvre pastels make an occasional appearance, the omissions are aleatory: Bailey 2002, Chastel 1995 (with a Chardin pastel on the cover), etc.

“Levey et von Kalnein” [sic] is included, although Wend Graf Kalnein’s name precedes Michael Levey’s on the title page (the later edition by Levey solo is better illustrated, but not mentioned). Guiffrey & Marcel is by “Jean Guiffrey”, not Jean-Jules (his full names were Georges-Henri-Jean; his father’s, Jules-Marie-Joseph).


From → Art history

Leave a Comment

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in: Logo

You are commenting using your account. Log Out /  Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out /  Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out /  Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out /  Change )

Connecting to %s

%d bloggers like this: