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Minutiae at the Met

29 March 2019


My review of Katharine Baetjer’s new catalogue of French Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art is in the April Apollo. (As that article mentions the recent National Gallery catalogue, here’s a link to my comments on that.) This note simply lists the marginalia I jotted down while reading the book: points too trivial to include in the review, but which might be helpful for the Met’s great collections website. [Postscript: The Met have now generously made the catalogue freely available online already, here.]

page 19. The abbé Dubos was a member of the Académie française, not the Académie royale de peinture et de sculpture.

page 21. The mention of Watteau here hints at the fact that a good number of the Met’s pictures were not products of the Académie royale system.

page 22. “The 1740s saw the birth…”: Salon criticism goes back at least to Florent Le Comte’s discussion of the 1699 salon.

page 29. It seems curious to give such prominence to the exact days each salon was open, since so many are unknown, and so little hinges on them. But at a first glance a number of the dates proposed here don’t agree with those in Udo van de Sandt’s new study, Histoire des expositions de l’Académie royale de peinture et de sculpture (1663–1791): solennités, fêtes, cérémonies et salons (not cited). E.g.

  • 1669: it isn’t even clear that the display this year was open to the public.
  • 1671: UvdS has a start date of 28 March, not 20 April
  • 1673: UvdS (p. 22) has 24 August – 3 September, i.e. 11 days, while Baetjer has August 14 – September 4.
  • 1681: UvdS notes that nothing confirms that an exhibition took place.
  • 1699: again the circumstances were complicated: as UvdS explains, the opening took place on 2 September, and it was intended to last until 16, but was extended to 22, September (Baetjer: August 20 – September 16).
  • 1704: Baetjer prints September 12 – November 8 following Duvivier and Guiffrey. But as UvdS explains, while these dates are credible, the source is unknown.

Catalogue by number

Number 1 Largillierre ?Mme Lambert

In assessing the suggested identity (was it any more than the dealer’s imagination fuelled by a collection of Drevet prints?) it might have been useful to consider the accuracy of other suggestions made at the time of its acquisition. A report in the New York Tribune (10 May 1903, pp. 36–37, not cited in Baetjer nor in the relevant object web pages, although it is apparently the first publication of these works) discusses and reproduces the first three purchases with the Rogers fund: this (already said to be of Marie-Marguerite, not Hélène); the Nattier, cat. no. 19 below, presented with no foundation as of the princesse de Condé, and a portrait said to be of Kaiser Joseph II by François-Hubert Drouais but which is of an unidentified sitter by Batoni.

In passing I note the portrait in Honolulu said to be by Largillierre and Blin de Fontenay, and of Hélène Lambert, the basis of which also seems questionable. I note too another  confusion: the 1699 salon lists Largillierre’s three portraits, of Lambert de Torigny [sic], his wife, and “M. Lambert leur Fils President des Enquêtes” [my emphasis]: Baetjer  assumes this is Claude-Jean-Baptiste Lambert de Thorigny (who in fact died in 1703, one year after the date Jal gives); but he was actually at the Chambre des comptes. (See my genealogy.) Assuming that the livret was typeset from manuscript, it seems more likely that the third portrait was of Claude’s brother, Nicolas III Lambert de Vermont (1666–1729), who was reçu président de la deuxième Chambre des requêtes du Parlement in 1697. (He was later prévôt des marchands de Paris.) This identification is reinforced by the appearance among the debtors listed in Largillierre’s marriage contract of 19 August 1699 of an outstanding payment of 70 livres from “le président Lambert de Vermont” for a copy of his portrait. If so, this portrait (or the copy) is not missing – it is in the Norton Simon Museum. Baetjer does not mention Saint-Simon’s description of Marie-Marguerite, “belle comme le jour” – sufficiently so to have had an affair with the duc d’Elbeuf (Additions à Dangeau, Pléïade ed., 1983, i, p. 1145; curiously he too confuses her husband and brother-in-law).

But all this is probably irrelevant.

Baetjer reports no enquiry into the supposed early provenance, the “marquis d’Ussel, chateau d’Oscamp, Belgium”, which might perhaps provide a clue if decrypted. The suggestion that “Oscamp” is Oostkamp is indeed plausible, particularly if developed further. The chateau there belonged to the family not of Ussel, but of Ursel, a distinguished ducal family in the Belgian nobility who might well have commissioned a portrait from Largillierre. Unfortunately so far it has not been possible to locate a record of the picture sold in the family archives.

As for the iconography of the black servant, it seems tenuous to link this to the acquisition of Saint-Domingue in 1664; the tradition goes back at least to Van Dyck.

Number 2 Largillierre Alloys d’Herculais

page 37: “Amaury Aloys d’Herculais was not Jules Künckel’s son”: actually he was (he was also the sitter’s great-great-grandson), as can be demonstrated by consulting the Conflans census in 1909 or by comparing his 1928 address with his mother’s, Künckel’s second wife. He was in fact born in Algiers on 9 August 1893; as his parents had not yet married, his birth was registered under his mother’s name, Mouilleron, with forenames Amaury-Jules-Aloys.

When the sitter’s grandson died in 1869, he named Künckel as universal legatee because he was the son of his cousin. See

Number 3 Rigaud Man

James-Sarazin seems to retain the possible identification as Nicolas Collin de Vermont, first suggested by Gallenkamp, which is not mentioned here.

Number 4 Rigaud Officer

Discussions about the identification and dating will continue: a later date, and perhaps a degree of studio involvement, might help explain the differences in quality from the version in fig. 4.4.

Number 6 Gobert duchesse de Bourgogne

“We know relatively little about her”: readers of Saint-Simon will disagree (the entry for her in the index of the Pléïade edition alone runs to three pages).

The sitter’s face bears little resemblance to Gobert’s portraits of the duchesse de Bourgogne in Versailles (MV 2102, 6825), beyond the general similarity of all his women; but the portrait is virtually identical (apart from the colour of the eyes and a cap) to the Dresden portrait of Élisabeth-Charlotte d’Orléans (inv. 761):

It is extremely close too to that of the marquise de Nesle (Agen, mBA); no doubt other versions exist. Is the painting correctly identified, or are these merely indications of Gobert’s limitations? (No provenance before 1945 is given.)

Number 9 De Troy Triumph of Mordecai

page 59. As Troy is a monosyllable, the particle should be retained.

page 60. Racine’s forename was Jean, not Jean-Baptiste.

page 61. Technically Rome did not become the capital of Italy until 1871.

Number 10 Watteau Mezzetin

page 65. It is odd to conclude that Watteau “would not have been drawn to Luigi Riccoboni’s newly arrived troop”. As my edition of her diaries demonstrates, Rosalba was connected with the Riccoboni family.

Number 15 Nattier Dame en Source

The title can’t comfortably be translated as “The Source”.

page 81. “for a duchess, inappropriately, revealed”: but other Nattier portraits of high ranking ladies did so (Salmon 1999, nos 28, 39, 43 etc., and probably others whose later interventions have not yet been reversed).

Number 16 Nattier marquise d’Argence

An examination of the parish registers at Surin (Vienne) shows that she was born 16, baptized 29, January 1714 (so she married unusually late, which is why her dates may have been difficult to find).

D’Argence visited Ferney in September 1760. But this published poem was probably never actually posted to his wife (and is not included in modern editions of Voltaire’s correspondence).

Number 17 Nattier Mme Marsollier

Mme Marsollier died on 9 (and was buried 10) January 1756 at Paris, Saint-Eustache, aged 40, and so was almost certainly born in 1715. In 1749 she was hardly a “very young woman”, but that is Nattier’s art.

“He bought her a title and she became the comtesse de Neubourg”: this seems to confuse statements found in earlier sources, and which was only partially, but incorrectly, explained in Salmon 1999, who relied on unverified family confusion. The Neubourg territory only came into the family far later. The daughter and granddaughter of Nattier’s sitters, Adélaïde-Marie-Octavie Lorimier de Chamilly (1762–1849) married Louis-Aymon de Pernon whose half-brother’s son Edmond-Ferdinand Quentin de Richebourg married (in 1784) Louise-Joséphine Le Prestre de Neubourg; she died in 1820 with no posterity, when the Neubourg land (and title) fell to Adélaïde: her daughter Agathe had married (in 1808) the vicomte Marc de Saint-Pierre etc.

The duc de Luynes’s story needs to be considered in the context of this portrait which gives such prominence to the fabrics her husband had sold.

Neither in the book nor the website is there a full account of the copies – that belonging to Reginald Vaile for example was publicly exhibited in several locations before being sold to Agnew’s for £4725 in his 1903 sale. (This contrasts with the 320 guineas, or £336 – not £320 – recorded for Lot 28 in the same sale, referred to without lot number in Baetjer, p. 254 n.4, a version of the Fragonard. Such numbers are more significant for the history of taste than in the determination of authenticity.) It was presumably this version of the “comtesse de Neubourg and daughter” which Agnew’s bought from W. Lockett Agnew on 23 April 1909 and sold three days later to the collector William Knox D’Arcy for £9000. Its earlier history is also with Agnew’s: stock no. 158, they originally bought it from the French dealer Régis Chanas on 28 November 1901 before selling it to Vaile a few days later for £6600.

Number 18 Nattier Dame 1753

The rejection of the identity as “Mme de Cypierre” is correct: she cannot plausibly be 13 years old.

“genealogical information is lacking…”: The marriage contract was signed in Paris 18 August 1752 (AN MC/ET/XII/525). The marquis Cypierre died on 18 July 1790, not 1789 (parish register, Mont-Dore, Puy-de-Dôme).

Page 89 & n.4. The arrangement with Agnew’s can be expanded a little by consulting their stock books, where it appears as no. 1581. It was purchased from Fairfax-Murray on 17 May 1905, with a 1/2 share of any profit to him; as correctly noted, it was returned on 4 September 1907. (Taken at the same time on the same basis was Carle Van Loo’s Mme de Pompadour as La Belle Jardinière, which did sell – to Pierpont Morgan, for £4400.)

Number 19 Nattier Mme Bergeret

By 1760 Nattier’s success was waning rapidly.

It is surely no coincidence that Albert Pioerron de Mondésir’s grandson Jean married Thérèse Bergeret de Frouville (the sitter’s great-great-great-granddaughter), in 1929; the connection between the families may go back to her great-grandmother Edmée-Charlotte-Pierrette Bergeret de Frouville whose children were illegitimate by an unnamed father.

Number 24 Coypel Jullienne couple

Literature on artist: Lefrançois is considerably supplemented by the Dictionary of pastellists online, where this work is J.2472.171.

“unrecorded…no trace until 1974”: I have published the detailed history from its first appearance before 1906, when it acquired by Duveen, and sold (in May) to Mrs T. Henry Mason, née Emma Jane Powley (1850–1918), previously Mrs Lewis; her second husband, whom she married in 1899, was a mining tycoon who died in 1902. She lived in New York, Paris and London. She frequently returned works, including this one (by August 1906); Duveen records also note other pastels sold to her, as well as a disturbingly high invoice of $1042.10 for “restoring three pastels”. The label, reproduced in fig. 24.1, is in English, consistent with this provenance and apparently in the same handwriting as the relevant page in the Duveen ledgers.

page 106. “Julienne was not particularly interested in pastels”. See for his collection: there were 37 pastels in his sale alone, making him one of the most important pastel collectors of his era. (Mariette thought he had paid far too much – 4000 livres – for a set of Rosalba’s Four Seasons towards the end of his life.) Here is how he displayed six of them, from a single page in the album in the Morgan Library:

Jullienne Pastels

For Coypel’s meetings with Rosalba, see my annotated edition of her diaries:

Keyed stretcher: La Tour’s pastel of Frémin at the Louvre (J.46.1819) is probably contemporary: see my Prolegomena, §iv.1.

Number 27 Pater Jeux d’enfans

La Live de Jully “an associate member”: the term honoraire associé libre is liable to misunderstanding if translated thus; he was not agréé.

Number 30 Tocqué Nattier

page 122. Mme Brochier, née Charlotte-Claudine Nattier died 12 May 1779.

Number 31 Dumesnil

Fig. 31.1. For this and other portraits of Beaujon, see my

Number 34 Subleyras

The artist’s only forename was Pierre. Hubert was a mistake in Lejeune’s 1864 Guide théorique et pratique de l’amateur de tableaux; Müller noted the variant in his Künstlerlexikon, which got picked up as a compound name in Bryan and later sources.
Number 37 Trémolières

It might be worth noting that he married the miniaturist (and sister-in-law of Subleyras) Isabella Tibaldi.

Number 41 Boucher Toilette de Venus

The INHA annotation suggests that Marin can be identified as Jean-François Marin, peintre de l’Académie Saint-Luc, whose death and application of seals was announced in the Journal de Paris 23 February 1790, a month before the sale.

Number 42 Boucher Jupiter

Alastair Laing’s correct inference that the lender to the Salon in 1765 was the uncle of the better-known Pierre-Jacques-Onézime Bergeret (this seems to be his preferred spelling, rather than Onésyme, although every variant is found) because the work was not in the nephew’s posthumous inventory or sale prompts us to note an even simpler reason: during his life, only Nicolas-Joseph used the title “de Grancourt”. The land may have passed to P.-J.-O. Bergeret at his death, but, despite very frequent appearances in modern sources, I can find no example in a document during his life of P.-J.-O. Bergeret using it (I should be delighted to be proved wrong, as a good many modern books appear to be incorrect). The confusion goes back at least to Portalis’s monograph on Fragonard (1889); the Goncourt article (1865) listed the 1765 lender with no warning that he was not the nephew.

Bergeret Pierre Jacques Onezime placard de deces

page 163. I don’t think “tripière” is usefully rendered as “tripe seller”, nor even by “strumpet” (the Goodman translation): the Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 4e éd, notes “une femme qui est grosse & courte”. The ill-temper is from a different passage.

Number 50 La Tour Garnier d’Isle

page 175. It seems odd not to mention the enormous quantity of information on La Tour available in the online Dictionary and other parts of the Pastels & pastellists website: for a guide to the various La Tour documents, see

Number 50 is J.46.1827 in the online Dictionary.

Contrary to the introduction here, La Tour’s technique often made a virtue of visible strokes. I discuss precisely this point in relation to the present work in my Burlington Magazine article (Jeffares 2011, p. 500, reviewing the Met’s 2011 exhibition), which is disregarded in Baetjer, and not even cited on the object web page in the Met’s online database which, according to Baetjer, includes “every former owner, previous exhibition, and publication known to us.”

Number 51 Van Loo Hunt

Among the more recent literature, Autour des Van Loo, edited by Christine Rolland, stands out.

Number 52 Voiriot Aublet

The traditional date of Voiriot’s birth was corrected in Voiriot’s 2004 article (although it is cited): it is 1712.

No curiosity is expressed about M. Aublet’s identity. A possible candidate might be Jean-Zorobabel Aublet de Manubuy, the lawyer and writer imprisoned in the Bastille for his outspokenness; further research is required.

Number 55 Perronneau Olivier Journu

This is J.582.1429 in the online Dictionary, which also contains material not in d’Arnoult. The traditional c.1715 year of birth for the artist should be replaced by c.1716 since his age was given as “in his 68th year” (i.e. 67 years of age) at his death near the end of November 1783.

For what is known of Olivier’s life, see my essay where the work is reproduced (not referenced by Baetjer or the Met website); it is also reproduced in my 2011 Burlington Magazine article (not referenced). Literature omits the famous texts of Robert de Montesquiou and the Goncourts.

page 191. “the names are not recorded in full”: actually Olivier was baptized simply “Bernard”, despite the fact that he already had a brother with this name. Both he and another brother called themselves Olivier, which did not resolve the confusions.

Olivier’s death is widely reported as 1764, but this seems to be based only on Meaudre de Lapouyade’s inference that he died “before 1764” (since he was omitted from his mother’s will).

The entry ends with this slightly vacuous statement: “While his expression is opaque, he seems to be acutely self-aware.”

Number 58 Duplessis Mme de Saint-Maurice [Saint-Morys]

page 196 n.1. The information given for the Barbeyrac family is rather confused. Antoine de Barbeyrac (1693–1749) was not marquis de Saint-Maurice as the title was only erected in 1753; he was in any case a président, not a conseiller. Of the four sons, three were soldiers, while the eldest, also Antoine, who did become marquis de Saint-Maurice, does not seem to have been a lawyer (Louis de La Roque is scrupulous about noting all such appointments); I can find no member of this family of a plausible age to fit Saint-Aubin’s description.

SaintAubin Livret

In fact “Mme de St Maurice, femme d’un conseiller au parlement” can only be Éléonore-Élisabeth-Angélique de Beauterne (1742–1824), who, in 1776, married the conseiller au parlement Charles-Paul-Jean-Baptiste de Bourgevin de Vialart, comte de Saint-Morys (1743–1795), an art collector famous for his patronage of Greuze and other artists. Saint-Morys was appointed conseiller at the 1ère des enquêtes from 1769, and (apart from a brief interlude during the Maupeou reforms), he remained in office at the time of the portrait; it is in the robes of a conseiller au parlement that Greuze painted him c.1780 (Nantes, mBA). No other conseiller had a similar or homophonous name.

The Saint-Morys had only one child, a son (also known from a well-known Greuze portrait) killed in a duel in 1817 fought over the threatened demolition of the family château where his mother was still living; his only daughter (and Éléonore’s universal heir), Charlotte-Marie-Joséphine (1792–1857), who lost her own husband a few months later, acquired the Paris property at 8 rue Vivienne. According to Éléonore’s posthumous inventory (11 March 1824; AN MC/C/1118), in the salon were three family portraits, listed without further description “pour mémoire”, as were a further five in the principal bedroom:

SaintMorysMme inv pm

Charlotte-Marie-Joséphine died in 1857, the year in which we know Carleton Gates was travelling in Europe and forming the collection of which this portrait became part. (Gates was in Paris between September 1857 and March 1858, but does not mention the purchase in the two pages covering that period in his correspondence in the William & Mary Libraries: my thanks to the staff there for checking.) The portraits may well have been disposed of before then: comte Alphonse de Feltre had acquired the two Greuze portraits from the family in time to give them to Nantes in 1830. Not definitive confirmation, perhaps; but a plausible narrative consistent with my suggestion.

Number 59 Duplessis Franklin

There is no discussion (either here or in Baetjer & al. 2017) of the problematic salon critic which describes the work shown in 1779: “Ce portrait en veste de satin blanc”. Unless this is explained there must be some doubt that the MMA picture is the one shown.

Number 60 Duplessis copy

Pierre de Buissy was born and baptized 30 June 1737 at Abbeville, paroisse Saint-Gilles as can be verified in the parish registers.

Number 61 Greuze Eggs

page 205. Georges Gougenot de Croissy died in 1792 (3 January), not 1784.

Number 62 Greuze Boy

Page 207f. For Harenc de Presle and Damery, see the entries in .

Number 63 Greuze d’Angiviller

For the provenance, we are given merely “?comte de Bernis-Calvière, Vézénobres, Gard; vicomte Paul Le Compasseur Créqui Montfort de Courtivron, Paris”. The Bernis were descendants of the family of cardinal de Bernis, an associate of d’Angiviller; it would be worth investigating if the picture was given to him.

In the Met object web page is cited « Exposition au profit des laboratoires, 1922 or 1923 »: this is my Paris 1923b, L’Art français au service de la science, exposition d’œuvres d’art des xviiie, xixe, xxe siècles, au profit d’aide à la recherche scientifique, Paris, Hôtel des négociants en objets d’art, rue de Ville-l’Évêque, 1923.

Page 212 n.8. Probably the primary version of the Duplessis portrait is in the Danish royal collection, KMS7065. There are numerous related pictures, including Lagrenée’s 1783 Allégorie relative à l’établissement du Muséum dans la Grande Galerie du Louvre (Louvre, inv. RF 1998-6).

Number 67 Greuze, Princess Varvara Nikolaevna

The iconography  includes a 1792 portrait by Füger (Berlin, Nationalgalerie, inv. A I 947): .

This may help recognize that the Reynolds print is of the same sitter as Greuze, who had a particular tendency to make his noses look aquiline.

Princess Gagarina

Number 70 Drouais “Mme Favart”

Fig. 70.1 shows the Daullé print, not the Vanloo drawing (this may be seen as J.745.1205 in

“Me Boulland” is an abbreviation of Maître, not Madame.

Number 72 Drouais Madame Sophie

For a discussion of the iconography of the princess, see my where the present work is reproduced.

Number 74 Drouais Boy with a spaniel

The original painting from Rothschild collection is visible in the 1962 watercolour by Alexandre Serebriakoff of the salon vert in a Paris house (a photograph is available through Getty Images).

Number 76 Pillement Naufrage

Literature: the Dictionary of pastellists has much more of Pillement’s oeuvre than any of the sources suggested. This example is J.592.306. Pillement was baptized “Jean-Baptiste”. The “Society of Arts” is not the Society of Artists, where he exhibited.

Number 77 Pécheux María Luisa

The Sternkreuzorden cannot usefully be translated as “order of the Star Cross”; “Starry Cross” is standard.

Number 80 Fragonard Woman with dog

As far as I know the only evidence of the year of Émilie Coignet de Courson’s birth is a document in the AN S.1022, 3 February 1742 in which there is reference to the tutelage of Emilie and her siblings arranged in a deed of 10 March 1733 (at Auxerre), when her mother died: she was then aged 16, not 6, years, so that she was probably born in 1716, not 1727. So in 1769 she would have been 53, not 42. Dupuy-Vachey does not consider the picture to be of Emilie.

Number 84 Fragonard The love letter

Perhaps worth noting that the standard convention of the day was for an envelope to be addressed “A Monsieur/Monsieur…”. While such inscriptions often serve in portraiture to establish social positions, it would be singular for a wife to hold a letter to her own husband.

Number 106 David Socrates

“Difficult to judge the extent of his education in classical languages”: his inscription ΑΘEΝAIΩΝ should be ΑΘΗΝΑΊΩΝ; this would suggest his Greek was rudimentary.

page 314. Daniel-Charles Trudaine was an intendant des finances, not a fermier général.

Number 107 David Lavoisier

Among the enormous literature on this picture there is even a thesis (by Lucile Roche) not cited here, nor in the object web page. Nor is there mention here (although there is online, without explanation) of the frame with royal arms: this is so singularly inappropriate, one wonders if it was a private joke.

But perhaps it is David who is having his own joke, since he seems to have borrowed the composition (again another secret that has escaped scholarship), not from Paris and Helen (p. 321f here) nor Vigée Le Brun’s Calonne nor from the Garrick double portrait (object web page), but from an erotic print (Delignon, after Lavreince) published in 1782, Les Offres séduisantes? That is possibly why he avoided putting Lavoisier in the robe de chambre normally shown in scientists’ portraits, as it would have open to misinterpretation.

Delignon v David

page 319. The price of 7000 livres, described here as “immense”, is less than the 10,000 reportedly offered for the Labille-Guiard triple portrait (Number 110, pp. 331, 333).

Number 110 Labille-Guiard triple portrait

The literature here and on the object web page omits Mantz 1854, p. 178: “Les portraitistes du XVIIIe siècle. IV”, L’Artiste, xii, 1854, pp. 177-79 “exempte surtout de cette sentimentalité plate et menteuse dont madame Lebrun se montrait si fière, cette toile vaut mieux que tous les pastels de madame Guyard”. The passage is particularly significant since it predates the Louvre rejection (see below) by 24 years.

In my recent research in both the online Dictionary and the post on this blog I provided considerably more information on Labille-Guiard’s family and pupils – notably about Mlle Carraux [sic], who was an illegitimate daughter of Swiss farmers.

Similarly I have more information on each of the nine pupils than can be found in Passez (p. 330, n.2).

Page 332. “offered to the Louvre, and declined” is a rather deficient summary of a judgement that the picture was “sans valeur artistique” – a mere family portrait (letter of 30 November 1878 from Eugène Guillaume, conveying the views of Frédéric Reiset, then directeur des musées nationaux, to the minister).

Number 111 Labille-Guiard Madame Elisabeth

“Le Grand Dauphin” was Louis le dauphin’s great-grandfather.

This is J.44.175 in the Dictionary. My provenance includes the possibility that this was lot 99 in the baron de Beurnonville’s sale.

Number 116 Victoire Lemoine Interior

The literature omits Charlotte Guichard, La Griffe de l’artiste, 2018.

Baetjer’s scepticism about the traditional identifications is surely unnecessary: the standing figure does resemble Vigée Le Brun, while a newly discovered self-portrait by Victoire Lemoine (Paris, Drouot, De Baecque, 27 March 2019, Lot 131; Lot 132 is the painting box from the same provenance) not only has blue eyes (ruling her out as the standing figure) but a face which, allowing for the change in viewpoint, closely resembles the pupil.

Number 117 Rose-Adélaïde Ducreux Autoportrait

Ducreux claimed to have been the only pupil of La Tour, but the cliché should be dropped.

She holds a tuning key, not a tuning fork.

Number 124 Villers Charlotte du Val

Denise was 13 years younger, not older, than Mme Gabiou.

page 375. “if born about 1786”: she was indeed born, on Christmas day, 1786, baptized at Sézanne (Marne), paroisse Saint-Denis.

From → Art history

One Comment
  1. permalink

    Dear Neil,

    Many thanks for this, which I’ve just found after nine computerless days in France. I’ll have to wait until I get the catalogue nefore I can make any pertinent comment. Right now, all that I would say, is that it was inevitable that a portrait of a woman by a woman should have been chosen for the cover !

    Yours ever,


    Alastair Laing

    24 Aberdeen Road

    London N5 2UH

    Tel 02073595057

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